2007年12月16日 星期日
Jay - 我不配 Wu Bu pei (I'm not worthy it)
Jay's latest music video. 女主角超可愛 :) 喜歡她ㄋㄟ挖哈哈 ;P
More 女主角 info請點這
這首歌還是一貫的Jay式抒情曲風
但是我覺得還是有些可取之處
第一點 歌詞寫得很好
讓我第一次自己在唱的時候超想噴淚 (唱到我bold的地方...是唱自己心酸就是了..哈)
方文山的詞 果真有他一定的功力在
在第一段 短短幾句 舖陳出背景之後
又跟MV搭配的很適當
第二點 是取材好
很多點都取材自許多藝人生活中的點滴
我覺得歌果然要出自於人心才能夠再打動別人的心
聽完這首歌雖然覺得芭樂 但是還是會沒事聽一下的指數 ：＊＊＊
聽過喜歡 想看更多幕後花絮請點這
这街上太拥挤
太多人有秘密
玻璃上有雾气在被隐藏起过去
你脸上的情绪
在还原那场雨
这巷弄太过弯曲走不回故事里
这日子不再绿
又斑驳了几句
剩下搬空回忆的我在大房子里
电影院的座椅
隔遥远的距离
感情没有对手戏你跟自己下棋
还来不及仔仔细细写下你的关于
描述我如何爱你
你却微笑的离我而去
这感觉已经不对
我努力在挽回
一些些应该体贴的感觉我没给
你嘟嘴许的愿望很卑微在妥协
是我忽略你不过要人陪
这感觉已经不对
我最后才了解
一页页不忍翻阅的情节你好累
你默背为我掉过几次泪多憔悴
而我心碎你受罪你的美我不配
2007年12月10日 星期一
A follow-on reading on Kosovo and also a link to the politics in Taiwan
其實我所找到得是一篇稍有年代的報導,不過上面的訊息仍然十分充足.
最令我感興趣的,其實是那篇報導開頭的前半部:
【明見網7月12日訊】國際時事作家彼得．維古立思(Peter Zvagulis)為英文大紀元撰稿，結合歷史事實談中共對法輪功的仇恨宣傳，他指出中共對法輪功的捕風捉影之術，和前蘇聯的做法相似。他說，“共產政權 隨心所欲的玩著仇恨宣傳遊戲；它們根據需要援用或無視普世接受的規則或國際法；它們創造假想敵，以轉移人民對它們錯誤的注意力。”
我看到這一點,第一個想到得就是在台灣的政治角力. 尤其是這一陣子在中正紀念堂的軒然大波.
Cuz that is really just totally insane!! 仇恨宣傳真的是十分恐怖的工具, 難不成陳水扁也把台灣的社會大眾當成共產制度下的愚民在愚弄嗎? 所以他們才要把蔣公舉出來,把仇很具體化, 雖然打著和平共處的標語,但卻無不盡其所能的挑起社會大眾之間的仇恨與對立.大好喜功的積極"正名",企圖轉移大眾對於其政績貧乏的失望, 內閣團隊及其個部會粗暴的政治語言和行為, 不禁讓人錯愕: "咱們這下真的是舉寇為王了嗎?"
我很高興目前大家對於近來的舉動較為冷靜了(但也許是因為心冷了而無奈? ). 但更要沉著的觀察, 冷靜的批判; 政治是一件很難不個人化的事物. (媽呀你英文式中文還可以再過份一點!!)
一個人對於公眾事務的熱情會很難讓你完全的置身事外, 但很多時候, 個人的情緒要是能少一點, 其實對於追求公眾的利益會是更有幫助的.
(媽的 好爛的結論唷, 哮咦馨, 削鉛筆芯, 你真的還可以再八股一點!!)
好, 回去寫我寫不完的ob journal. darn the motha focker.
Countdown to Kosovan independence
It sort of making me into thinking, would this apply to where I came from?.
Time for the finals. Talk more later.
Tchuess!
Mel
Countdown to Kosovan independence
| By Allan Little BBC News |
Kosovo could be independent from Serbia early next year, following the collapse of talks over its future, and despite opposition from Belgrade and Moscow.
The timetable is now clear. There will be no hasty unilateral declaration of independence this week. But it will be soon: probably in January. 
It is all being carefully co-ordinated with Kosovo's pro-independence allies - the United States, Britain, France, and Germany.
They will recognise the new state quickly, open diplomatic relations, exchange ambassadors. Serbia will refuse to recognise it and will be supported by Russia, which is hostile to breakaway regions within its own borders.
Kosovo is where it all began, 20 years ago. Yugoslavia's bloody disintegration, the descent into barbarism, the coining of a grim new euphemism to add to the lexicon of conflict: "ethnic cleansing".
This is where Slobodan Milosevic established himself as the champion of the Serbian nation.
'Famous battle'
He stood in front of a crowd of a million Serbs at a rally to mark the anniversary of the battle of Kosovo in 1389 - the battle in which the Serbs were defeated by the Turks - and rallied the nation to what he said was a new fight for national survival.
The legend of 1389 has given Kosovo a mythical, almost mystical significance in Serbian nationalism.
It is also - appropriately - the place from which Milosevic launched what was to be a series of wars - in Slovenia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, and finally Kosovo itself.
The arc of Milosevic's life reads like a character written by Goethe. There was something Faustian in the pact he made with the twin demons of Balkan nationalism and war.
They kept him in power for a while. War was his power base. But they destroyed him in the end.
'Disastrous experiment'
And now the Serbs - and Serbia itself - are paying the price of that disastrous experiment in ethnic supremacy.
I remember them at their hubristic high water mark. The territories held by the Serbs swept across the western Balkans, observing no legal frontiers.
All of Serbia, including Kosovo, all of Montenegro, two thirds of independent Bosnia, one third of Croatia they held.
I was there the day they unfurled the maps of the state they proclaimed as Greater Serbia: bearded men in World War Two uniforms of the Serbian royalist Chetnik forces, self-consciously atavistic, fighting and killing and dying to avenge an injustice that had begun in the 14th Century.
All the Serb lands west of the Drina River were to be renamed Western Serbia.
Wars in the Balkans do not happen spontaneously. They have to be planned, organised, funded, resourced, armed, equipped, guided 
Serbia would now stretch to the gleaming Adriatic at the Croatian port of Zadar.
And the non-Serbs whose homes are on those territories, who have been driven out, ethnically cleansed, we asked. What was to become of them?
Frankly, they did not give a damn.
There was an old nationalist song they used to sing.
"Who dares say it, who dares tell the lie, that Serbia is small?" they sang.
"It is not small, it is not small".
Well it is small now. First the Serbs lost their territories in Croatia. Then the Serbs in Bosnia - under immense military and diplomatic pressure - agreed to be part of an independent Bosnian state.
Serb identity
Even Montenegro abandoned them. And finally, now, the cradle of Serbian national identity, Kosovo.
There was a time when a declaration of independence would have plunged this region back into full scale war.
Will it this time? Few here think so.
And here's why. Wars in the Balkans do not happen spontaneously. They have to be planned, organised, funded, resourced, armed, equipped, guided.
Milosevic threw the weight of the entire state behind the effort of the 1990s. It was a huge mobilisation.
There is no state in the Balkans ready or able to make that sacrifice now.
Serbia is in no condition to launch an invasion to retake Kosovo by force.
Even if it were, it is doubtful that Serbian public opinion would, this time, walk hand in hand with the project.
Serbia will be angry and resentful - but most Serbs now want to get on with the business of becoming a normal European country.
Criminal haven
Britain and America have become the most important sponsors of independence, because they think that without it there can be no economic progress, and without economic progress, Kosovo will continue its dangerous slide into criminality.
It is already a haven for drug smuggling and people trafficking - a headache that is felt across the European Union and beyond.
One pro-independence Western diplomat here likened the situation to Northern Ireland.
"Your Paddy Ashdown," he said, referring to the former International High Representative in Bosnia. "Your Paddy Ashdown put it well when he said that there were some nations who forfeited the moral authority to govern - the moral claim to sovereignty - simply by dint of their own actions. That was true of the British in Ireland 80 years ago. It's true of Serbia's historic claim to Kosovo now," he said.
But there could be consequences, the most important of these in Bosnia.
'Violent unravelling'
Bosnia remains territorially divided under the terms of a peace treaty that ended the war there 12 years ago.
Fifty per cent of Bosnian territory is controlled by Bosnian Serbs.
They might well now unfurl those old maps again, follow Kosovo's example and declare themselves not part of Bosnia at all but - as they once aspired to become - western Serbia.
And that, rather than Kosovo itself, could be the start of a dangerous, and perhaps violent, unravelling.
From Our Own Correspondent was broadcast on Saturday, 8 December, 2007 at 1130 GMT on BBC Radio 4. Please check the programme schedules for World Service transmission times.2007年12月6日 星期四
2007年11月12日 星期一
You cant's stop the beat!
A bit of noisy, but another good one from the Broad way show (hair spray!)
